Recompense
There is little evidence that anger, by itself, reliably delivers recompense to the formerly oppressed.
In narrow bargaining situations, displays of anger can extract short-term concessions, but in mass politics anger only works when it creates real leverage.
When it spills into disorder or violence, it usually triggers backlash and strengthens the resolve of the other side.
Evidence suggests that real compensation outcomes track power, coalition size, and the cost of refusal, not the emotional purity or intensity of grievance.
The Australian Aboriginal movement has largely pursued restraint, legality, symbolism, and moral appeal rather than sustained public fury.
The result has been significant symbolic recognition and limited material change. This reflects the underlying structural asymmetry, i.e. they have no power and very little leverage over the colonizing majority.
Aboriginal anger would impose little cost on the broader system and would likely be absorbed or punished rather than rewarded.
As Bertrand Russell noticed, suffering and restraint do not confer moral superiority. I’m going to add to that equation: suffering and restraint do not confer leverage.
Recompense follows pressure that cannot be ignored, not virtue that is patiently displayed.
If the aim is material change rather than, or in addition to, moral acknowledgement, the options for the aboriginal movement are clear.
First: first we need to convert native title to freehold using political and social pressure.
Second: build leverage. That means using freehold controlled assets to create choke points that the broader system depends on. Land use that affects infrastructure approvals, by water access, mining timelines, ports, energy corridors. Things that impose delay, cost, uncertainty and fear.
Third: grow coalitions beyond identity. Movements that win rarely remain ethnically or morally narrow. Align interests with environmental groups, regional communities, unions, miners, farmers, or local governments where objectives overlap. Power multiplies when grievances become shared costs.
Fourth: shift from national morality to local bargaining. The Commonwealth absorbs moral pressure easily. State governments, councils, regulators, and project proponents do not. Negotiation works where decisions are concrete and time-bound.
Fifth: professionalise conflict. Litigation, regulatory challenges, planning objections, and commercial negotiation are slow, boring, and effective. They convert grievance into enforceable constraint. Anger is optional; persistence is not.
Sixth: accept trade-offs openly. Material gains usually come with compromise. Sacred absolutism feels righteous but often freezes outcomes. Every successful settlement in history involved something being given up.
The hard truth is this: moral appeal without leverage produces sympathy, not redistribution. Anger without leverage produces backlash. Only pressure that raises the cost of refusal changes behaviour.
None of this is pleasant. It is simply how power works.